Washington • No elaborate catechism is needed to resolve if any individual is a conservative. A unmarried query, so simple as it’s infallible, suffices: For whom would you’ve got voted in the presidential election of 1912?
That yr, a former president and a long run president ran towards the incumbent president, who misplaced, as did the nation, which might were a lot at an advantage giving every other time period to William Howard Taft. Instead it were given Woodrow Wilson and the fashionable imperial presidency that were prefigured by way of Taft’s predecessor and 2d primary opponent in 1912, Theodore Roosevelt. Taft received fewer electoral votes (8, from Utah and Vermont) than some other incumbent president; Roosevelt carried six states, Wilson 40.
Taft’s presidency used to be bracketed by way of Roosevelt’s and Wilson’s, the progenitors of as of late’s imperial presidency. Jeffrey Rosen, legislation professor at George Washington University and CEO of the National Constitution Center in Philadelphia, started writing his new appreciation of the 27th president (“William Howard Taft,” the newest in the sequence of slim books on “The American Presidents,” now edited by way of Princeton historian Sean Wilentz) in January 2017, when the 45th president started inadvertently doing one thing helpful — validating nostalgia for Taft, whom Rosen calls “the only president to approach the office in constitutional terms above all.”
Wilson used to be the first president to criticize the American founding, specifically for the separation of powers that crimps presidential supremacy. Roosevelt believed that presidents are loose to do no matter the Constitution does now not forbid. Taft’s constitutional modesty held that presidents will have to workout most effective powers explicitly granted by way of the report.
Romanticizers of Roosevelt forget about his trust that no ethical an identical of battle may well be as invigorating as the actual factor, they usually have a good time him as a trustbuster taming company capitalism and a pioneering environmentalist. Rosen notes, on the other hand, that Taft “extended federal environmental protection to more land than Roosevelt” — and he created 10 nationwide parks — “and brought more antitrust suits in one term than Roosevelt brought in nearly two.” One of Roosevelt’s excuses for looking to regain the presidency used to be that Taft, who in 1911 introduced an antitrust motion towards U.S. Steel (international’s first billion-dollar company, then generating 1 / 4 of the international’s metal), used to be too competitive in trust-busting. Roosevelt concept that, in trade, large used to be gorgeous (as a result of successfully Darwinian) if large executive supervised it.
Taft signed the first revision of price lists, which might be regressive taxes, since the 1890s, once they had been raised by way of a mean of 57 p.c. His tariff message to Congress used to be simply 340 phrases as a result of he concept the Constitution and conventional political follow allowed presidents to counsel, however now not foyer for, congressional motion. Such used to be his constitutional reticence, in his inaugural deal with he referred to tariff reform as “a suggestion only.”
Taft unsuccessfully resisted President William McKinley’s entreaties that he develop into governor of the Philippines (“I have never approved of keeping the Philippines”). Others sought after him to be president a lot more than he did. His aspiration, completed after the presidency, used to be to be leader justice of the United States. As a reluctant president, he demonstrated that reluctance, which is vanishingly uncommon, is a advice for the place of work.
In 1912, Roosevelt’s “New Nationalism” promised populism rampant and a plebiscitary presidency untethered from constitutional inhibitions: “I don’t think that any harm comes from the concentration of powers in one man’s hands.” And “I believe in pure democracy,” the purity being unmediated, unfiltered public opinion empowered even to overturn state court docket selections by way of referendums. This galvanized Taft’s decision to withstand Roosevelt (“my closest friend”) in the title of judicial independence. Taft had vetoed the regulation admitting New Mexico and Arizona to statehood as a result of the latter’s charter equipped for the recall of judicial selections. Arizona got rid of this quintessentially populist provision — then restored it as soon as safely within the Union.
Taft as it should be when put next Roosevelt to the first populist president (whose portrait can be hung in the Oval Office in 2017 by way of a populist president): “There is a decided similarity between Andrew Jackson and Roosevelt. He had the same disrespect for law when he felt the law stood between him and what he thought was right to do.”
The 1912 strife between conservative and progressive-populist Republicans simmered till Ronald Reagan’s election in 1980 sealed conservatism’s ascendancy in the birthday party. This lasted 36 years, till it used to be supplanted by way of its antithesis, populism, 104 years after Taft resisted Roosevelt. This, for some time, avoided American from having just a populist Republican Party to oppose a modern Democratic Party — an echo, now not a decision.